Here's a post from my own website that I shared only through the In the Middle Facebook interface, thinking that it wouldn't draw much attention, and should therefore be left off ITM, which has, of late, found an increasingly larger audience. A mistake!
these are 'good numbers' for our blog |
For our readers who don't use Facebook (and good for you!), I'm now offering my post here as well. This is the latest version of my work earlier this year on muteness and Cuthbert and animal gesture.
Nearly two years ago, I announced:
For several years I've wanted to write an essay on the way that 'mute beasts' communicate through gesture in a host of medieval texts (famous examples include the ravens in Bede's Life of Cuthbert and the lion in Yvain), with some consideration of the way that some monks complained that the use of monastic sign language reduced them to animality. So, a chapter on disability and animals, in terms of muteness, interspecies communication, sign language, and signs, maybe with a strong gesture towards the use of CS Peirce in HOW FORESTS THINK, would be a lot of fun to write.And now it's basically done. I've submitted it to the medieval disability anthology, and then revised it a bit and submitted it again, and then revised it a lot more, because I'm sharing it at the University of Pennsylvania Medieval-Renaissance seminar this September 7. For the interested, here's the first part opening of my paper, my first real attempt to do disability studies.
For
several medieval writers, differences in mental capability are partly an effect
of particular kinds of bodies or environments.[1]
For example, an eighth-century medical treatise by Qusta ibn Luqa (in Latin,
Costa ben Luca), translated into Latin in the twelfth century, and listed as a
Parisian university text in the thirteenth, holds that women, those too close
to the sun, like “Ethiopians,” and also those too far from it all have souls that
are “imperfectiores et debiliores” [more imperfect and weaker] than those of
people whose internal heat and cold are in "perfectione aequalitatis"
[perfect equilibrium].[2]
Shape and size could matter as well as internal or external ecologies: Aristotle’s
On the Parts of Animals held that since
birds, fish, quadrupeds, and children were all “dwarflike,” their intelligence
was inferior to that of upright humans. Michael
Scot’s early thirteenth-century translation follows its ninth-century Christian
Arabic source by omitting this specific comparison, but repeats logic, drawn
from elsewhere in Aristotle’s treatise, that holds that “animalia sunt minoris
intellectus quam homo” [animals are less intelligent than man], because they
have more flesh in the front part of their bodies than humans do.[3]
The thirteenth-century natural history of Thomas of Cantimpré begins its
chapter on “The Monstrous Humans of the East” by proposing that although satyrs
and onocentaurs lacked rational souls, they nonetheless could exhibit behaviors
that seemed rational to the degree that that their bodies resembled those of humans.[4]
And the discussion of the human worldly superiority in Ranulf Higden’s Polychronicon observes that
well-proportioned limbs signify (“denotatur”) a good mind, and then adds that “inde
sentatiavit Plato quod qualis animalis effigiem gestat homo, talis animalis
sequitur mores et affectus,” rendered by one translator as “wherefore Plato
3afe sentence that man folowethe the maneres and affectes of that beste, of
whome he hath similitude.”[5]
The
possession of speech was a key concern. A thought experiment, repeated through
the Middle Ages from Gregory of Nyssa (fourth century) to William of Saint Thierry
(twelfth) to Thomas Aquinas (thirteenth), held that if humans had no hands,
they would be quadrupeds, and therefore be forced to grasp food with their
mouths, and as a result would lose the flexibility of lips and tongue that
allowed for the production of rational speech.[6]
A handless body, being unable to express its rationality, would be functionally
irrational. Like an animal or stone, it would be mute. This word, mutum (to choose a declension at random), appears 469 times in the Patrilogia Latine, and accompanies the
word “animal” 43 times: not more often than it accompanies surdum [deaf; 160 times], but often enough to attest to a
widespread association of nonhumans and muteness across scholarly cultures. This
association is not because animals were thought silent, but because what sound
they made was understood as mere noise. Habakkuk 2:18 is just one of
several scriptural mockeries of those who believe that the "simulacra
muta" [mute idols] they themselves created possess divine power.[7] Augustine’s
commentary on Psalms 144:10 applies the same adjective to stones and nonhumans
alike when it insists that no one should "think that the mute stone or
mute animal [mutus lapis aut mutum animal] has reason wherewith to
comprehend God.”[8] The condition of muteness thus
traversed those of human impairment, animal inability, and material inertness.
It slid from irrationality into inanimacy, from a life whose noise could not be
understood to one that has no life, no voice, and no agency.
Law
reinforced this division. The Justinian code ruled that humans who were
permanently “mutus et surdus” (mute and deaf) could not legally draw up
contracts, as they had no more capacity for judgment than young children, the
insane, and even the chronically ill.[9]
This legal voicelessness could also be applied to humans whose bodies were
marked as deviant. The thirteenth-century Saxon
Mirror (which survives in more than 400 manuscripts) begins its discussion
of inheritance law by likening kinship to a human body, so that, for example, “the
children of legitimate brothers are located at the level where the arm connects
to the shoulders,” with more distant relations located further out on this
imagined body; it concludes this discussion by decreeing that property cannot
“devolve upon the feebleminded, dwarfs, and cripples.” With one stroke, it cuts
such people off from the legal, genealogical body and subjects them to legal
conditions elsewhere applied to people unable to express
their rationality in socially normative ways.[10]
To be sure, Henry de Bracton’s thirteenth-century compendium of English laws nuanced
the Justinian code by allowing the entirely deaf to validate contracts by means
of “signs and a nod.”[11]
But even this modification still preserved the fundamental notion, namely, that
certain impairments reduced people to a functional status of stones or nonhuman
animals, without legally recognizable agency of their own.
In
effect, since the Latin word “animal” could simply mean a “living” or
“ensouled” thing,[12]
common medieval references to “irrational animals” could functionally encompass
several groups: nonhuman animals, humans with mental or intellectual
impairment, and, less often, humans with deviant bodies. The phrase “mute
animal” could similarly encompass both nonhumans and some humans. Although no
widespread medieval law collapsed the distinction between these groups,
rhetorical comparisons between nonhumans and impaired humans were frequent. They
appear in work by, for example, Augustine (“they differ little from the beasts
of the field”), Henry of Ghent (without “intellect…they remain only an
animal”), Aquinas (“so long as man has not the use of reason, he differs not
from an irrational animal”), and Henry de Bracton, who declares that the insane
“are not far removed from brute beasts which lack reason.”[13]
Proverbs did similar work: in Middle English, one could be “deaf as an adder,”
“mad as a goose” and blind “as a bear,” “as Bayard,” a common horse’s name, or
“as a beetle,” a word that denoted either an insect or a hammer.[14]
This logic at least implicitly asserted that nonhuman animals were impaired by
their own natural capacities, while impaired humans were not quite human.
A humanist
disability rights perspective would at least hesitate before these comparisons,
because they disable impaired humans by reducing them to a condition of being
animals or even objects.[15]
It might argue that deviations from the normative human body should be
understood only as deviations within the range of human possibility, not as animal
degradation. Without denying the fact that humans can suffer deprivations to
which humans are uniquely vulnerable (for example, an awareness of legal
exclusion), and therefore without declaring, for example, that “humans and
animals are really the same,” my work in critical animal studies and
posthumanism encourages me to linger with these comparisons instead of simply
decrying them. Of course I am not the first to argue in this way. Sunuara
Taylor begins an essay about her own impairment, animal metaphors, and animal
rights by listing animal insults used against her impairment and those of
others; but she admits that when she walks, she really does “resemble a
monkey,” in particular, a chimpanzee. These comparisons need not “be negative.”[16] Rather,
Taylor argues that they offer an opportunity to rethink embodiment, dependence,
and autonomy so that nonhumans might be included in what might be called a
vegan community of impairment. With this work, we can recognize that the paired
accusations of impairment against nonhumans and certain humans alike call not for
a reassertion of precritical humanism and its hierarchies of significant vulnerability,
but rather for a reevaluation of the social and ethical functions of impairment,
disability, and agency. Mel Y. Chen’s Animacies
carries out this work thoroughly. In case studies ranging from lead paint
and burst oil wells, to furniture, to the insidious feline genius of Fu Manchu,
to semi-domesticated chimpanzees and other nonhuman animals, Chen tracks how certain
groups and forms of life—particularly impaired people, racialized immigrants,
and the sexually heterodox—are culturally invested with varying degrees of liveliness,
agency, responsibility, and animalization. Chen prefers not to shift excluded people
up the “animacy hierarchies” of “Western ontologies,”[17]
however politically advantageous this reaffirmation would seem to be such
groups. Rather, as with other feminist reevalations of materialism, agency, vulnerability,
and autonomy, Chen prefers to “reside in this…negative zone”[18]
to jostle aside the centrality of claims to agency and animacy in arguments
for rights, justice, and care.[19]
Taylor
and Chen’s work happily stymy one possible, straightforward argument about
animalized metaphors of disability and the social animalization of impaired
humans. This would be the assertion that nonhumans, being variously suited to each
of their particular environments, are not in fact impaired, and that any supposedly
natural animal impairment should be understood instead as representing multiple
sensory and bodily norms, rendered “abnormal” and disabled only as an effect of
environments and cultures built for other norms. Such a reading would
effectively “deanimalize” animals by both freeing them of their negative
cultural associations; it would invest them with the agency that uncritical
humanism assumes them to lack; and it would simultaneously perform an analogous
function for impaired people. Against these critical mistakes, I can also offer
Rosemarie Garland-Thomson’s “misfit” model of disability, which, by emphasizing
material conditions fitted for certain bodies and capacities, deemphasizes the
supposed personal bodily inadequacies of the disabled subject, so that
“vulnerability is in the fit, not in the body.” Garland-Thomson argues that “fitting”
requires a “generic body” in a “generic world,”[20]
while I would push this point perhaps past the point of utility by arguing that
any no fit can ever be perfect, because there is no perfectly generic world and
certainly no perfectly adequate fit. The ineradicable vulnerability and ongoing
unbalanced homeostasis of any entity means that no body, even those that belong
to the community of “uniform, standard, majority bodies,”[21]
can ever be perfectly fitted to its environment.
The
remainder of this chapter will concentrate on an encounter that foregrounds and
preserves such misfit moments. This is the meeting of Saint Cuthbert and the
penitent ravens, which I offer as an experiment in the utility of considering
disability studies, critical animal studies, and ecocriticism together, for
both historical cultural studies and perhaps even more present-minded cultural
studies. The encounter is notable for the gestural communication used by these
“mute” beasts to effect a community; for the fact that the birds are not made
to talk, although birds, particularly corvids, were a paradigmatic talking
animal; and finally for where it takes place (the island of Farne, rendered
hospitable to both saint and birds by continuous effort). This encounter does
not affirm any bodily or environmental norms. It instead emphasizes the work
communication and community require in an environment perilously inhabited by vulnerable
bodies that can never be quite at home in it.
[1] Like
all cultural studies that unsettle categories that “go without saying,”
terminology is a central issue in disability studies. For useful recent surveys
of terminological debates from a medievalist perspective, see Joshua R. Eyler,
“Introduction: Breaking Boundaries, Building Bridges,” Joshua R. Eyler, ed., Disability in the Middle Ages:
Reconsiderations and Reverberations (Surrey, UK: Ashgate, 2010), 1–11,
and Richard Godden and Jonathan Hsy, “Analytical Survey: Encountering Disability in the
Middle Ages,” New Medieval Literatures 15 (2013): 313–39. My
chapter uses the social model of disability, in which “impairment” indicates
the subjective experience or condition of discomfort, incapacity, illness, and
so on, while disablement/disability occurs because of physical or social expectations
and architectures that reduce or deny cultural participation to people with
impairments (stairs rather than ramps are the classic example). This division between
impairment and disability is analogous to the sex/gender division and
vulnerable to the same critiques.
[2]
Carl Sigmund Barach, ed., Excerpta e
libro Afredi Anglici De motu cordis item
Costa-ben-Lucae De differentia animae et spiritus liber translatus a Johanne Hispalensi
(Innsbruck: Wagner’schen University Press, 1878), 138-39. Barach’s edition,
which has the nonsensical “solari” living far from the sun, requires
supplementing with other copies of the work; Cologny, Fondation Martin Bodmer
10, 245r, for example, reads "ut sclavi et mauri" [like Slavs and
Moors], which respectively stand for those "longe distare a sole uel
uicinare" [a long ways or close to the sun].
[3] Aristotle, On the Parts of
Animals, trans. James J. Lennox (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2001), 686b23-9;
the Greek is “νανῶδες.” Michael
Scot, De animalibus: Michael Scot’s Arabic-Latin translation. Part Two,
Books XI-XIV: Parts of Animals, ed. Aafke M. I. van Oppenraaij (Leiden:
Brill, 1998), 187–88. Michael Scot’s source may be drawing on
discussions of body mass in Aristotle Parts
of Animals 689a25.
[4] Thomas of Cantimpré, Liber
de Natura Rerum: Editio Princeps Secundum Codices Manuscriptos, ed. Helmut
Boese (Berlin: W. De Gruyter, 1973), 97.
[5] Ranulf Higden and John Trevisa,
Polychronicon, ed. Joseph Rawson Lumby, 9 vols. (London: Longman &
Co., 1865), Vol 2, 180-81, anonymous English translation from British
Library, Harley 2261. Trevisa himself says nothing about nonhuman animals, but
instead says only “þerfore Plato 3af his doom, and seide suche ordenaunce,
disposicioun, and schap as a man haþ in his kyndeliche membres and lymes, suche
kyndeliche maneres þey foloweþ in dedes.” For several medieval assertions of
the independence of body and mind, see chapter four in Irina Metzler, Fools and Idiots: Intellectual Disability in
the Middle Ages (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2016).
[6] For
sources, and a longer discussion, see my How to Make a Human: Animals and Violence in the Middle Ages (Columbus: Ohio State
University Press, 2011), 47–50.
[7] Scriptural
translations are the Latin vulgate and, for the English, the Douay Rheims.
[8] Enarrationes in Psalmos, in Jacques Paul Migne, ed., Patrilogiae
Cursus Completus: Series Latina, 217 vols. (Paris, 1844) (hereafter PL), 37:1877. For a book-length
discussion of the animacy of stones, see Jeffrey Jerome Cohen, Stone: An Ecology of the Inhuman
(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2015).
[9] Paul Krueger, ed., Justinian’s
Institutes, trans. Peter Birks and Grant McLoed (Ithaca: Cornell University
Press, 1987), II.12.13. Also see Alan Watson, trans., The Digest of Justinian
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 5.1.12.2, 166.
[10] Eike
von Repgow, The Saxon Mirror: A
‘Sachsenspiegel’ of the Fourteenth Century, trans. Maria Dobozy
(Philadephia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014), 69-70. For more on legal
history, see Christian
Laes, “Silent Witnesses: Deaf-Mutes in Graeco-Roman Antiquity,” Classical
World 104.4 (2011): 451–73; Irina Metzler, “Reflections on Disability in
Medieval Legal Texts: Exclusion –
Protection – Compensation,” in Disability and Medieval Law: History,
Literature, Society, ed. Cory James Rushton (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge
Scholars Publishing, 2013), 19–53; and Wendy J. Turner, Care and Custody of
the Mentally Ill, Incompetent, and Disabled in Medieval England (Turnhout:
Brepols, 2013).
[11] Henry de Bracton, On the
Laws and Customs of England, ed. George E Woodbine, trans. Samuel E Thorne,
4 vols. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1968), Vol. II.286. For
evidence of the persistence of this law, see Sir William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of
England, in Four Books, 12th ed., vol. 4 (London: A. Strahan and W.
Woodfall, 1793), Vol. I, 304, "A man is not an idiot, if he hath
any glimmering of reason, so that he can tell his parents, his age, or the like
common matters. But a man who is born deaf, dumb, and blind, is looked upon by
the law as in the same state with an idiot; he being supposed incapable of any
understanding, as wanting all those senses which furnish the human mind with
ideas."
[12]
For an example of the word’s range of meanings, see Alan of Lille, Distinctiones dictionum theologicalium, PL 210:701A–B.
[13] I
draw all these examples from Metzler, Fools
and Idiots, 108, 114, 120, and 154.
[14] Middle English Dictionary online
(hereafter MED; accessed 8 August
2016), s.v. “bitil” and “betel.”
[15]
For an admirable example of this kind of work, see Licia Carlson, The Faces of Intellectual Disability:
Philosophical Reflections (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010),
160-61.
[16] Sunaura Taylor, “Beasts of
Burden: Disability Studies and Animal Rights,” Qui Parle 19.2 (2011): 192
and 196 [191–222]; see also Sue Walsh, “The Recuperated Materiality of
Disability and Animal Studies,” in Rethinking Disability Theory and
Practice: Challenging Essentialism, ed. Karín Lesnik-Oberstein (New York:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2015), 20–36.
[17] Mel Y Chen, Animacies:
Biopolitics, Racial Mattering, and Queer Affect (Durham, NC: Duke
University Press, 2012). The first phrase (sometimes under the form
“animate hierarchies”) appears 33 times in Chen’s book; although the latter phrase
is from page 127, references to “Western” thought abound in her book. Medieval
studies help challenge sedimented, homogenized notions of what constitutes
“Western” thought.
[18] Ibid., 17;
for one sample of feminist approaches to these issues, see Bronwyn Davies, “The Concept of
Agency: A Feminist Poststructuralist Analysis,” Social Analysis: The
International Journal of Social and Cultural Practice 30 (1991): 42–53.
[19] For
further work in this line, see Eunjung Kim, who, in writing about the artist Marina
Abramović, asks “in what way can an embodiment of immobility and speechlessness
challenge ableism, which is firmly grounded on the criterion to control one’s
body to determine whether one qualifies as human?”; "Unbecoming Human: An
Ethics of Objects," GLQ
21.2-3(2015): 230.
[20] “Misfits: A Feminist
Materialist Disability Concept,” Hypatia 26.3 (2011): 600 and 594.
[21] “Misfits,”
595. For homeostasis and systems theory, see the first several chapters of Cary Wolfe, What Is
Posthumanism? (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2010).
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